Belief, Relief & the Threat of Extinction of Indigenous Knowledge Systems:
The Case of the Somalis in Mandera, Kenya [1]
By Sahro Mohamed Ahmed [2]

Illness explanations often radically differ from culture to culture. Likewise, the methods considered acceptable for curing illness in one culture may be rejected by another. Consequently, the experience of being "possessed" holds different meanings in different cultures. Somalis in Mandera explain, diagnose and treat psychological distress in terms of sorcery and displeasure from spirits or due to other social causes.

A different way of Healing: Ayaana Healing Possession Rituals

Ayaana spirit possession is an embedded healing system and an effective survival strategy for large numbers of people and traditional healers, who form a final authority for the diagnosis and treatment of particular forms of ill health, are often sought as these are aimed at holistically alleviating suffering, strengthening and supporting patients and harmonizing the patients with their environment. The physical, psychological and social impact of the ritual on the possessed, sanctify healing as a symbolic cultural mechanism stemming from ritual expression. During these healing rituals, possession is viewed as an appropriate expression for describing illness, and madness is redefined as normative, not deviant behaviour. Ayaana spirits are invisible to the naked human eye, though some humans can hear their voices. Ayaana cults are both eschewed and embraced, both frowned upon and practiced. Examining the ancestral principles of Ayaana possession cults as well as the structure of the spiritual world in modern times proves a challenge for we need to analyze its existence in the light of scientific knowledge that strips away superstitions.

Ayaana Spirits as Agents of Human Rights: The Threats

There are many threats Ayaana spirit possession cults are facing. First of all because the cult is seen as non-Islamic for it is cantered on one individual, namely the saint Sheikh Hussein. Particularly the strong integrated aspect of the Ayaana spirit possession cult in Mandera society is what makes it appear as separate from, if not incompatible with, Islam. Secondly, the penetration of capitalist relations of production, for example, not only restructures economic and political relations of power between ethnic groups, they also impact the social and cultural relations and in so doing valorize as well as stigmatize certain traditions.

In addition, “modernity” related factors are also impacting Ayaana as a therapeutic healing alternative. Globalization, modern education, technology, modern bio-medicine and even relief aid have forced Ayaana movements to develop new geographical strategies to practice their belief. The rituals are often executed in outskirts of the town for fear of reprisals. In addition, conflict and the constant flow of refugees from neighbouring countries have also affected the existence of the system. Also, neither governments nor donor agencies nor NGOs have given proper attention to local people, their knowledge, beliefs and needs. The extensive employment of foreign project consultants who are biased against indigenous knowledge has led to the downgrading of local communities and their knowledge, as is told me by an emotional Mr. Omar [3];

“We are treated like beggars. Nobody asks us what we want and how or when we want it, we are given some sugar and flour once in a while, whether we need it or not. Of course we are not (involved), in any (development) process. And we have to hide when we want to practice our culture (Ayaana rituals). They have burned down our holy shrines. I don’t trust these people who are claiming to help us. They never talk to us.”

The present relief aid programs in the area by extension do not focuses on the need to actively involve these local people in the process of conserving their indigenous knowledge. Government and legal administration systems also affect people’s choice for a particular form of healing. Additionally, religious fundamentalism, both Christianity and Islam (see below picture of burned down Ayaana shrine-Darya), urbanization and efficient communication and enhancement of access to information also play a role. These increasingly complex institutional contexts compel Ayaana movements to develop geographical relational alliances as they stretch and travel across spaces. In so doing they are also obliged to contend with persisting territorial pressures. Territory among pastoralists remains an important aspect of movements in terms of providing a common frame of identity, developing strong trusting relations between nomadic groups and harnessing thick networks which facilitate the mobilization of resources.

What can be done?: Some Recommendations
In view of this situation, there is a clear need for sensitive policies that are aimed at empowering local communities to use their indigenous knowledge as a means of accelerating social and economic change. The conservation of indigenous knowledge requires research methods and programs that are aimed at building local capacity but also collecting and conserving that knowledge. A great deal of Somali indigenous knowledge is preserved through oral history, but there are is a need for other tools and implements that would suitably preserve this knowledge. The social importance and status of Abaseras as healers and leaders in a range of cultural contexts must in my view be taken seriously by the health care service present. I argue that Western scientists may discover new potentialities in the use of spirit possession as a healing factor for many, and perhaps revise their theories about personality, health-seeking behaviour and mental illness.


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[1] This Article was written for IYPF Newsletter for the occasion of the “Day of Indigenous People” 9 August.

[2] Sahro Mohamed is from Somalia and she is currently based in the Netherlands, where she is just completing her Masters degree in Anthropology. This paper is an integral part of her MA Thesis, obtained at Leiden University, The Netherlands. The fieldwork, based on narrative approach, was executed in Jan-March of 2006, in Mandera, a town in northeastern Kenya.

[3] Not real name, on request.